Thursday, 10 July 2014

The Butler-Sloss inquiry nothing more than a whitewash in order to preserve the status quo



So the retired judge appointed to lead an inquiry into the so-called historic Establishment sex abuse of children said she would not quit, after her brother was linked to an Establishment ‘cover-up’ of the very paedophile ring she will be investigating. Baroness Butler-Sloss faced demands for her resignation less than 24 hours after she was appointed to lead the Government’s probe into abuse by politicians and other powerful figures.

Sir Michael Havers, was Attorney General under Margaret Thatcher when many of the abuse claims were first made..Sir Michael was accused of presiding over a ‘whitewash’ and ‘the cover-up of  the century’ in the 1980s by Geoffrey  Dickens MP, who led a campaign to  identify members of a paedophile ring  allegedly operating in Whitehall, and  including an MI6 officer...The plot thickens, and the one thing we know for sure, is that the whole rotten to it’s very core Establishment of Judiciary, Church and Parliamentarians will close ranks at the very top to limit any damage to its established position as ruling with authority over us. They will travel any distance and do almost anything to protect their Grace, Decadence and most importantly their Wealth.

In The State In Capitalist Society, first published in 1969, Ralph Miliband elaborated the means by which powerful finance capitalists utilised Britain's state apparatus and the mass media to ensure that their common interests and ideas predominate in capitalist society. His own son Ed Miliband is now a member of that elite, well-paid servant of the ruling class, rather than fully paid-up member of it. When his talents born of treachery are no longer required, he will be dismissed.  

Who comprises the British ruling class?

The controlling shareholders - British residents and tax exiles - of the handful of giant companies which together monopolise the main sectors of finance, industry, commerce and the mass media who provide the basis of its economic power.
Many of those shareholders are also company directors whose multiple directorships and investments knit the capitalist monopolies into a single matrix, the links multiplied and reinforced by bank loans.
The permanent staff at the top of the different sections of the state apparatus, including the Civil Service, the judiciary, the armed forces and the police and intelligence services constitute the executive arm of the ruling class.

The BBC, the state church and the education system reflect and reinforce ruling-class ideas. Of course, the ruling class has a more or less permanent core membership, a peripheral membership, temporary and "honorary" members, many of them with fundamentally conflicting interests.
But it is given cohesion by its common material interests - to perpetuate capitalism as an economic system, to maintain and exercise state power, to create the optimum conditions in which profit can be maximised (but without endangering the system's existence) and to discredit and defeat threats to these interests.
This cohesion is enhanced by the fact that most of Britain's biggest monopolists come from families of monopolists, and like most of those who run the state apparatus, went to the same schools as each other and share the same clubs as well as the same "world view."

Because it has common material interests and a common world view, the ruling class (or the "socially included" as we might call them) has the motive and multifarious opportunities to think and plan strategically.
There is no British Ruling Class plc master plan, programme or annual report, just as there are no membership cards. But there are corporate, think-tank and government plans and reports. There are economic and financial statistics, and there are prestigious journals and newspapers owned and published by ruling-class interests.
From these it is possible to discern and assess the most significant strands in British ruling-class strategy.

Britain is an old, mysterious country. And the roots of its elites - the groups of the chosen few who administer and influence the lives of the many - are stuck deep in its national soil. The power of aristocratic elites chosen by birth has yielded to the dominion of democratic ones chosen by the ballot box but they have found this as a route back into power. Clerical elites once used the authority of church and sacrament to influence conduct. Their modern equivalents are the officials of the management state who regulate behaviour through social policies, benchmarks, and performance indicators. And the meritocratic rhetoric of the elites who run such a modern technocracy hardens easily and quickly into cosy oligarchy. The claim that their power and money are earned because of superior ability is a strategic one designed to close down debate about who has the right to do what to whom.

The outward appearance of Britain's power elites - their accents, clothes and origins - change with the times in which they find themselves. And so do the kind of arguments they use to justify their power. There is always a need for some kind of elevating rhetoric about what the national destiny, as administered by the power elites, might consist of. The geopolitical roar of early 20th-century empire, the 1950s welfare state, the 1960s modernisation of a streamlined Great Britain Ltd, 1970s Europeanisation, pious 1980s blather about entrepreneurial virtues, today's uncertain millennial platitudes about "creativity", "competitiveness", and "innovation": all have been stabs at producing a story that might make sense of Britain to the British. These myths have sometimes consoled and sometimes inspired, while also performing their real and constant role - that of providing Britain's power elites with the mechanisms needed to build a career.

When considering this inquiry, consider what Marx had to say:

"The State is the form in which the individuals of a ruling class assert their common interests." "The ideas of the ruling class are. . .the ruling ideas."

This inquiry will be nothing more than a whitewash in order to preserve the status quo, they (The Establishment) have a vested interest in maintaining the status quo".

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